Immediately withdrawing its troops and ending its bloody rule in Ireland - that is the real agreement the British government of Anthony Blair should have concluded on April 10. While Blair babbles about "lifting the burden of history," it is the "men of violence" under his command - the occupying British army and heavily armed police in the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) -who remain the source of the conflict in Ireland. Blair, however, is not interested in peace but in maintaining the oppression of the Irish people while his government strives to shore up the declining world role of Britain's ruling rich.

The British proposal to dilute Articles 2 and 3 of the constitution of the Irish Republic, which lay claim to Northern Ireland, is also typical imperial arrogance that should be condemned by class-conscious workers and young fighters. The constitution of another sovereign country is none of London's business.

In the actual agreement, London did make some concessions. As Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams has pointed out, the agreement - which is neither a "settlement" nor a "peace" deal - showed that "the struggle has been advanced." As Britain's rulers get weaker they confront the growing confidence and determination of ordinary men and women fighting to end 30 years of military occupation. Unable to rule the Irish in the old way, London was forced to allow Sinn Fein, the party leading the struggle for Irish freedom, into the negotiations.

The crisis of the pro-British "Unionist" parties in Northern Ireland - once the mainstay of Britain's rule - has also deepened and the true face of British rule has come under the spotlight. The recent report by the United Nations Commission for Human Rights confirming the existence of organized links between British government forces and right- wing loyalist death squads is the latest example.

After a revolutionary struggle to end British colonial rule, the Irish people were forced to accept the partition of their country in 1921. Northern Ireland remained under British rule, administered by the Unionists through systematic discrimination and violent repression against Catholics. Today Catholics remain second-class citizens in their own country; they are at least twice as likely to be unemployed as Protestants, for example. In the late 1960s tens of thousands rebelled in the streets, endangering the continuation of British rule and forcing London to send troops and impose direct rule. The introduction of repressive legislation, including the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), was an attack on all working people.

The unbroken resistance since then brought about the historic U.S. speaking tour of Gerry Adams in 1995. Silenced on the international stage for decades, the leadership of the Irish struggle was able to speak to millions on television. London was forced to end its ban of Sinn Fein voices in broadcasting. Over the past three years, following this historic breakthrough, working people in Catholic areas have waged the fight to reroute annual parades by pro- British loyalist organizations through their neighborhoods. They had been forced to accept these provocative rightist displays for decades.

In the course of these battles - such as on the Garvaghy Road in Portadown -Irish fighters have faced up to the brutality of the RUC and British army and strengthened their confidence and determination. On the Garvaghy Road in early July this year and in other places Britain's rulers will face this continuing resistance. As Gerry Adams explains, the recent talks and the agreement represent "a phase in our struggle. That struggle must continue until it reaches its final goal."

For workers, young fighters, and all supporters of Irish freedom the April 10 agreement presents an opportunity to renew our efforts to tell the truth about Britain's role in Ireland and to campaign for the immediate withdrawal of troops.

British troops out now!

Release all political prisoners!

Reroute the sectarian marches!

Repeal the PTA!

Disband the RUC!  
 
 
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