The major sticking point is the insistence by the British rulers that the IRA provide photographic evidence of dismantling all its weapons. The IRA has agreed to “decommissioning” its weapons but says that providing photographs of the process would be a public humiliation of the group.

The agreement would have led to the lifting of the suspension of the Northern Ireland assembly in phases up through February 2005 and the formation of a “power sharing” executive of Sinn Fein—the nationalist party that has led the struggle for an end to British rule—and the right-wing Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) led by Ian Paisley.

London suspended the Northern Ireland assembly in October 2002 alleging “intelligence gathering” by the IRA at government offices. In elections the following year, Sinn Fein overtook the Social Democratic and Labour Party as the main nationalist party in the north. At the same time, the DUP replaced the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP)—historically the main prop of British rule—as the main pro-British party. The assembly has remained suspended.

Until a cease-fire in 1994, the IRA had waged a military campaign against British occupation. The backdrop was mass resistance by working people in nationalist areas, overwhelmingly Catholic, to their second-class status and to the repression by the British troops. London deployed troops in the British-run north in 1969. Within months their guns turned toward those fighting for civil rights in the Catholic ghettos. Encouraged by London’s move, rightist pro-British gangs continued their pogroms in Catholic areas.

In 1998, Irish republicans, pro-British Unionists, Dublin, and London signed the Good Friday Agreement, which registered the continued weakening of British rule over the six northern counties of Ireland. The accord included the establishment of an assembly in Northern Ireland elected by proportional representation; a north/south ministerial council, to be made up of representatives from the government of the Republic of Ireland and the assembly in the north; and a two-year time frame for the release of political prisoners. It did not set a time frame for the withdrawal of British troops.

London and pro-British Unionists have set as a pre-condition for implementation of the agreement that the IRA give up, or “decommission,” all its weapons. No such demands have ever been placed on the right-wing loyalist death squads that have attacked and murdered Catholics and with whom the British rulers have consistently collaborated. Moreover, London is not advancing proposals to end its military presence, which remains substantial despite reductions in the last decade. London’s stated goal is further cuts in the number of its troops there and “normal security arrangements.” The latter means a future garrison in Northern Ireland of some 5,000 troops—which would be about 5 percent of the current size of the British Army.

The IRA said in a December 9 statement that the organization had “decided to contribute… to a comprehensive agreement to resolve all outstanding issues, including those of concern within unionism” so that “Irish republicans and unionists can, as equals, pursue our respective political objectives peacefully.” In particular, the IRA said it had agreed to “completely and verifiably put all our arms beyond use… if possible by the end of December… We agreed to the presence of two clergymen as observers during this process.” The group also said it agreed that “all IRA volunteers be given specific instructions not to engage in any activity which might thereby endanger that new agreement.”

With the backing of Dublin, however, London agreed on December 8 to Paisley’s demands for photographic evidence of the disarming process. The IRA responded that this would mean its actions would be “reduced to an act of humiliation.” Paisley had recently said that the IRA had to be forced to “repent” and “wear sack cloth and ashes.”

In addition to providing for the gradual lifting of the suspension of the assembly in Northern Ireland, the proposed comprehensive agreement would end Westminister’s power to suspend the assembly. It would also transfer formal control of the Police Service of Northern Ireland—known as the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC)—from Westminster to a new “community board.” Sinn Fein would be asked to nominate members to this board, having discussed the issue at a special party conference. London’s goal is to entice more nationalists to join the Northern Ireland police. Meanwhile, only after the IRA disarmed would the DUP be asked to urge loyalist groups to do the same. No mention was made in the proposed settlement about the removal of British troops.

At a December 8 press conference, Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams said the proposed comprehensive agreement is “a good deal which reflects accurately the fundamentals of the Good Friday Agreement, including its power-sharing, all-Ireland and equality provisions…. All of the issues of substance have been resolved.” The “only obstacle,” Adams said, was the “DUP’s unrealizable demand for the humiliation of Irish republicans.”

Illustrating the importance Washington places on trying to resolve national questions on terms favorable to imperialism, U.S. president George Bush telephoned Adams and Paisley in late November expressing his support for the “comprehensive agreement.”  
 
 
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