The CTC leadership has issued a call to trade unionists and other workers from around the world to attend the congress, scheduled for April 25-30 in Havana (for travel from the United States see ad below).
The theses, prepared by the federation's National Committee after a round of CTC conferences organized in every municipality, consist of 11 sections. The last three issues of the Militant published the first eight. Sections nine through eleven are printed below.
The theses were published as a special supplement to the Nov. 20, 1995, issue of Trabajadores, the CTC's weekly newspaper. Translation from Spanish is by the Militant.
The Militant would appreciate articles, letters, and comments from our readers on the theses. We are especially interested in the reactions of workers and unionists who have been reading and discussing this document.
IX. Unions are by and for the workers
117. In the period since the 16th Congress, the CTC and the unions have gained ground in improving our methods and style of work.(1) This has helped increase our influence on the shop floor, in mobilizing workers for the main tasks the country faces, and in defending their legitimate interests before administrative and governmental bodies.
118. Among the things we have accomplished in the last two years, the workers assemblies stand out in particular.(2) They became genuine schools of economics and politics for the masses, the fullest expression of socialist democracy. And they embody a way of functioning we should adopt in circumstances that pose similar challenges.
119. The discussion on the need to reestablish direct contributions to the Social Security fund played a similar role. It reflected an increase in workers' consciousness and understanding of this sensitive question, even at a moment when their real incomes had declined to very low levels.(3)
120. What has been accomplished up to now, however, requires continual review in order to incorporate systematically the best experiences and eliminate those things that have proven to get in the way of trade union work.
121. Our unions do not everywhere live up to what is expected of them. Our leaders do not always give the rank-and- file organizations the support they need. Not all union leaders know how to speak their own mind and consistently defend their points of view. We have not on every occasion shown ourselves capable of taking advantage of the space and autonomy at our disposal. And we have not focused on our priorities as systematically and with as much personal attention as they deserved.
122. As the voluntary organizations of the most revolutionary class in society, where the fullest democracy reigns, unions are by and for the workers.
123. Wherever there is a matter of concern in a workplace or among a group of workers, trade union leaders must listen, discuss the problem with the workers, and, if their demands are just, appropriate, and realizable, lead consistent efforts to resolve or clarify the matter.
124. Our congress stands for maintaining high levels of union membership, which, like the collection of union dues, is a political task of the first order. Levels of union affiliation are a direct reflection of the degree of influence of local organizations and the entire union structure. They are also an index of our functioning and of our capability to represent the interests of workers.
125. We should set the goal of reaching every single worker with our union organizing efforts. We must work hard to ensure this task is not treated as a mere formality. Rather, we should consciously seek to be faithful to the understanding that already exists about the CTC and the unions - that we are in fact, from top to bottom, carrying out a consistent, just, and valiant defense of workers' legitimate interests, both collective and individual. And that we are adjusting thoughtfully and with an independent view to the new realities of our economy and the new working conditions.
126. The union has an essential function to perform on the shop floor as a counterpart to the administration and as a co- participant in management, both in economic management and production. In addition to assuring that workers fulfill their obligations, the union also represents and defends their rights - collective and individual - in face of any possible arbitrary action by administrative officials.
127. The previous point, important as it is, covers only part of the union's responsibilities on the shop floor. It is also our duty, on a daily basis, to bring to workers' attention the importance of emulation,(4) of adhering to the contract and labor legislation, and, above all, increasing economic efficiency, savings, and productivity. These are vital issues, and it is up to the union to make sure the views and demands of the masses are heard on how to improve in these areas. And it is up to the union to call attention to the problems and shortcomings that emerge.
128. The union belongs to all its members, regardless of sex, skin color, age, religious belief, and way of thinking. All workers are equal in the union and have the same right to elect and be elected, to participate in implementing its tasks, to discuss the questions that concern it, and to have their just interests protected.
129. This assumes full exercise of the rights and responsibilities our statutes guarantee to every member, enjoyment of the benefits this confers, and fulfillment of the corresponding obligations.
130. Under the current economic conditions in our country, reality forces us to postpone some revolutionary dreams while fighting to maintain to the greatest extent possible the equality and social justice that have already been conquered. Under these circumstances we should raise higher the banner of solidarity among workers, and collectively extend solidarity to those sectors who need it most.
131. Now and for the next few years we have to promote and extend the practice of contributing a portion of tips and of payments in hard currency or convertible pesos, for use in buying medicine and meeting other needs of the national health system.(5)
132. Among the collective interests the union movement will continue to safeguard is compliance with the laws on working conditions, safety and health, the quality and supply of cafeteria food, providing workers with services, scheduling breaks, and, where possible, transportation to and from work. These must be included in collective bargaining agreements in each workplace.
133. Initiatives that can be taken to build and repair housing are part of this concept. So, too, are initiatives to revitalize the sugar refineries and surrounding communities, and to make cultural activities, sports, recreation, and tourism accessible to workers and their families.
134. It will be particularly important to fight to maintain the policy of differentiated treatment for women workers, given the special conditions they face. In many vitally important workplaces women are the majority of the workforce.
135. It is reasonable that the unions sponsor initiatives - both in the community and in the workplace itself - to meet the need for child-care centers, boarding schools, and other facilities that can help women carry out their responsibilities on the job and in society as a whole.
136. Similarly, union locals must defend the right of young people to work, as well as ensure that promotions and training are not unfairly denied to them. It is also necessary to ensure that young people participate fully in union activities. The unions should join forces with the youth organizations, with the goal of making work-related activities more varied, more pleasant, and more educational.
137. Working with retirees is another very important activity and will remain so in the future. Retired workers make up more than 10 percent of the population today; their proportion will increase in coming years.
138. It is an absolutely unbreakable moral principle that our unions pay attention to these retired workers. This means meeting with them, making them feel part of our continuity as a collective organization, and getting them involved in solving problems. Above all, it means using them to educate the new generation of workers, who should see them as their most capable and self-sacrificing teachers.
139. It is entirely up to the cadres of the union movement to see to it that these projections are transformed into a material force and concrete reality.
140. We will be successful to the extent that we are able to count on comrades, both from the ranks of the unions and the national level, who are not only dedicated to their work but also are energetic, demanding, tenacious, intelligent, and audacious, and who are loyal unto death to the working class and its revolution. These cadres will constantly be interacting with the masses, in order to lead them and learn from them, and will be capable of uniting and mobilizing the masses to tackle our problems.
X. Defending the revolution means guaranteeing our power
141. Defense of the revolution in all fields is the first responsibility of the workers, because the revolution is the essential guarantee of the nation's existence, of its independence, and of maintaining workers' power. Defense of the revolution is also a duty of international solidarity toward all progressive forces around the world, who see Cuba as a beacon of hope, and who have done so much to help us both morally and materially.
142. In the words of General of the Army Raúl Castro, at the closing session of the Congress of Civilian Workers of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR), our union movement recognizes the class sentiments that characterize our armed institutions and their undeniable unity with the people:(6)
"Our army," said Raúl, "which has had three names and is today called the Revolutionary Armed Forces, is the raised sword of our workers, of the honest and patriotic men and women of our country; it is the raised sword of our nation; it was, is, and always shall be the raised sword of our teachers, Martí and Fidel(7)
143. That raised sword is made up of millions of regular combatants and reservists, all armed with weapons that are well cared for and protected by tunnels the workers and the entire population dug with picks and shovels.
144. The Cuban union movement is proud that our armed institutions, models of patriotic loyalty and professionalism, are setting the pace in relation to economizing resources, rationalizing and creating jobs, reviewing methods of administration, and paying attention to workers and their families.
145. It is indispensable to emphasize the example of the Revolutionary Armed Forces to economize resources during these hard years of the Special Period.(8) Without lowering their high level of training and readiness for combat, they have cut their budget in half and achieved self-sufficiency in food for their personnel.
146. An excellent expression of the growing link of the FAR with the economy is the Youth Army of Labor. Besides its extraordinary role as a school for training future workers, it has taken on new responsibilities in state agricultural production, providing the people with increasing quantities of food.(9)
147. We, the workers, continue to be the fundamental pillar of the country's defense system. It is the responsibility of the unions to give the task of defense a high priority, and to encourage their members to carry out their obligations as reservists, militia members, members of the Production and Defense Brigades, and in other activities.(10)
148. At the same time, we should not overlook those workers who participate selflessly in the labors of preparing the theater of military operations.
149. Particular importance should be given to making sure that union members understand the patriotic and economic value of continuing to donate a day's pay - and of participating in special projects of voluntary work - to help defray the costs of the territorial defense system.(11)
150. Together with the armed defense of the homeland, the fight against crime in general and economic crimes in particular becomes today a task of strategic importance for workers and the union movement.
151. Economic crimes and corruption take direct aim against the cohesiveness of the revolutionary state itself and represent the main threat of social disintegration, departure from principles, and loss of values. We must act resolutely to stop them from spreading. We cannot allow the inevitable contact of our country with the world capitalist economy to spread deformations like bribery, favoritism and nepotism, the abuse of power, fraud, and lies.
152. Energetic action by the working class and its union organizations should make itself felt in the front lines of this battle. That includes reinforcing the workers guard and our participation in the Unified System of Vigilance and Protection.(12)
153. In our local executive committees we have tens of thousands of compañeros who devotedly carry out the duties that they were elected for, without neglecting their obligations on the job. The union movement should back them up in this work, orient them, and train them. This can be done through our school system, and in daily practice through assemblies and individual contact with co-workers. We can teach them to use the persuasive force of ideas, frank discussion, and communication with workers.
154. The newspaper Trabajadores plays an important role in informing and orienting our union leaders and activists. Our principal positions and ideas are expressed there.
The CTC and the unions want this weekly to get to the entire rank and file. Our organizations need to learn to use it in the daily work of analysis and discussion with the masses.
155. Today, and even more so in the immediate future, the defense of the ideas that sustain the revolution, their relevance, and social fairness becomes extraordinarily important. That is why ideological combat becomes a central responsibility of workers, one that the entire union movement must dedicate itself to.
156. The Cuban working class, all the workers, the decisive participants in this battle, count in their ranks the new intelligentsia created by the revolution. Scientists, engineers, artists and writers, journalists, teachers and professors, economists, doctors, jurists, and many other professionals in the technical and social branches have the task of continuing to enrich the ideology of the revolution. They have the duty of helping to prepare the younger generations, of arguing for the superiority of our values, the defense of our culture and national identity, and the right of the Cuban people to continue along the road we have outlined.
XI. Maintaining unity in the ranks of the workers
157. Maintaining unity and cohesion in the ranks of the unions and among Cuban workers has been and will remain of vital interest to our labor movement, since it is necessary not only for its combativity and strength but also for its ability to lead other classes and patriotic layers in a united effort to successfully defend the independence of the Cuban nation against currents instigated from abroad that threaten our historical and cultural roots.
158. This tradition of unity has its roots in the founding of our union organization in 1939, when working-class leaders of various political and religious affiliations, united around the unforgettable communist mentor of union cadres, Lázaro Peña,(13) agreed to organize the industrial, regional, and union federations as a single national organization, the Confederation of Cuban Workers.
159. The strategic implications of this decision were confirmed by the subsequent upturn in struggles by Cuban workers over labor demands and in defense of class and national interests, as well as by the savage repression that - from the start of the cold war until 1959 - the different neocolonial and pro-imperialist governments unleashed against the CTC, its institutions, and its leaders, embodied in the outstanding figure of Jesús Menéndez.(14)
160. The Cuban revolution has instilled in our men and women the importance of unity in defending and maintaining the gains it has brought in all aspects of our country's life.
161. The neo-Plattists,(15) both outside and inside the country, who serve those who want to impose on us the "democratic models" that have become discredited in many countries, continually promote divisions in Cuban society, including the fracturing of the trade union movement, with the aim of overthrowing workers power and subjecting workers to the humiliations of the past.
162. In face of such moves, our response must be to redouble the practical and daily actions by the CTC, the unions, and all institutions to maintain our unforsakable principles, as we have done so far.
163. Promoting unity in action by our own organizations must be a top priority for the labor movement, based on a conscious and voluntary recognition of the leading role of the party(16) as the main guide of Cuban society.
164. By carrying out the initiatives and responsibilities that correspond to its role in defending the general interests of the revolution and the specific interests of the unions, by faithfully representing the concerns, views, and needs of its individual members, the trade union movement fulfills its role not only as mobilizer and guide for our working people, but as champion of the rights and obligations that the state and Cuba's entire political system confer on it.
165. As it approaches the 17th Congress of the CTC, the union movement proudly recognizes the selfless and consistent role of our commander-in-chief Fidel Castro in achieving and maintaining a united, revolutionary, and independent homeland, based on the principles of fairness and social justice, as well as the prestige and confidence he enjoys among the workers and their labor organizations. These are factors that have always contributed to a very high and conscious participation by the masses in the tasks proposed by the country's leadership.
166. The labor movement, which did not exist in our country in the days of Céspedes and La Demajagua,(17) announced its place in history when thousands of humble immigrant tobacco workers responded to José Martí's call, joined the clubs of the Cuban Revolutionary Party, which he had founded, elected him as the party's delegate [president], made contributions of 10 percent of their meager wages to buy weapons for the Necessary War,(18) and, in many cases, exchanged their cutting tools for the machetes of liberation.
167. Faithful to that patriotic Mambí ancestry, the heart and hardened arm of the Cuban labor movement never failed in any of the political battles in our homeland for independence and justice, nor did they fail in the struggle for workers' rights and emancipation. The fruit of this long road is our union organization, veteran of 56 years of combat, 36 of which have been devoted to the defense of the revolution and the building of socialism.
168. Today we dedicate all this history, all this power, to our mission of confronting the challenges we face, overcoming the current difficulties, and maintaining our free, just, and revolutionary homeland, the homeland of Martí and Fidel, which is the primary objective of all our efforts and the guarantee of our noblest hopes.
Notes
1. The CTC's 16th Congress was held Jan. 24-28, 1990.
2. The CTC initiated the workers assemblies in January 1994, following the December 1993 meeting of Cuba's National Assembly. During that session of the Assembly, deputies discussed but deferred decision on a series of proposed fiscal and other measures aimed at reviving industrial and agricultural production, which had plummeted after the cutoff of aid and trade on favorable terms with the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries beginning in 1989. Since the measures under debate by the National Assembly would have an impact on the prices paid by Cuban workers for a number of goods and services, the deputies decided to first organize discussion of the country's economic crisis in every factory and other workplace and solicit opinions from the workers on the measures being considered (see two series of articles in the April 4, 11, and 18 issues of the Militant in 1994; and the Jan. 30, Feb. 6, and April 10 issues in 1995; and the article "Defending Cuba, Defending Cuba's Socialist Revolution" by Mary-Alice Waters in the magazine New International no. 10).
3. In August 1994, Cuba's National Assembly adopted a new tax code. Its provisions include a social security tax on all employers, and "in principle" a direct contribution to be paid by all who benefit from the social security system. Whether to implement the social security deduction from workers' pay was debated at factory and other workplace assemblies throughout Cuba in the fall of 1994. While most workers voted in favor of the direct contribution, seeing it as an act of class solidarity, many expressed concern at implementing the measure under current conditions. Specific legislation initiating direct payment by workers has not yet been adopted (see "Cuba: signs of economic stabilization put workers on footing to meet new challenges" in April 10, 1995, Militant.)
4. Emulation, as opposed to the cutthroat competition inherent in all social relations under capitalism, refers to the organized effort to increase productivity and efficiency and improve on what other production units are already doing.
Emulation was proposed by Ernesto Che Guevara, one of the central leaders of the Cuban revolution, in the early 1960s as one of the central pillars of the new social relations of production that began to emerge after workers and farmers in Cuba expropriated the plantations, factories, and mines owned by the wealthy capitalists and landlords - both Cuban and American - abolished capitalism, and began the construction of a socialist society. As against the competition generated by the capitalist law of value, Guevara counterposed a fraternal competition based on socialist comradeship that favored an effort to equal or excel achievements of other production units (see Che Guevara: Economics and Politics in the Transition to Socialism by Carlos Tablada, published by Pathfinder Press, pp. 174-201).
5. The convertible peso is currency issued by the Cuban government that can be used only inside Cuba as an equivalent to the U.S. dollar to purchase items available only in dollar stores. Workers in the tourist trade can receive tips in hard currency. Workers in some industries such as tobacco, electricity, and longshore - who have good attendance and productivity records receive bonuses or part of their pay in convertible pesos, enabling them to purchase scarce essential items like soap and oil.
6. The congress of civilian employees of the Revolutionary Armed Forces referred to here was held in April 1995.
7. José Martí (1853-1895) is the national hero of Cuba. He was a noted poet, writer, speaker, and journalist who founded the Cuban Revolutionary Party in 1892 to fight Spanish colonial rule and oppose U.S. imperialist designs on Cuba. Martí launched the 1895 independence war and was killed in battle. His revolutionary anti-imperialist program is part of the political heritage of the Cuban revolution.
Fidel Castro organized the revolutionary forces that led the armed insurrection to overthrow the U.S.-backed dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista in 1959. He has been the central political leader of the Cuban revolution for more than 40 years. He is the first secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba, the commander in chief of the armed forces, and the president of the Council of State and Council of Ministers.
8. "Special period" is the term used by Cubans to describe the economic crisis triggered by the post-1989 disruption of aid and trade with the former Soviet bloc countries.
9. The Youth Army of Labor (EJT), created in 1973, consists of special units of the Revolutionary Armed Forces that work on state farms alongside agricultural workers. The EJT has played an increasingly important role in the last few years. In 1994, the army-run farms were supplying almost 50 percent of vegetables and other food crops for the two provinces surrounding Havana. They bring their produce into the cities and often sell directly off the trucks at cheaper prices than those offered at the agricultural markets, thus helping to keep down prices.
10. The Production and Defense Brigades are voluntary brigades organized in neighborhoods near major industrial facilities. In case of a military mobilization of workers at these plants, the brigades are prepared to reinforce or replace the regular workforce, both in helping to maintain production and in providing defense of the premises. They were initiated in the mid-1980s as part of the policy to prepare the entire Cuban population in all aspects of military defense, a policy known as the "war of the entire people."
11. The Territorial Troops Militias were established in 1980 as millions of Cubans mobilized in the Marches of the Fighting People in response to escalating U.S. military pressure against Cuba and the revolutions in Nicaragua and Grenada, which had triumphed a year earlier. The militia, made up of 1.5 million workers, farmers, students, and housewives, has become a symbol of Cuba's determination to defend its revolution by arming its people.
12. In every factory, workers volunteer on regular shifts each month, on top of working hours, to guard the facilities at night. This workers' guard has been expanded during the special period to prevent theft of raw materials, machinery, and finished products, which shot up as scarcities mushroomed in the early 1990s. Every production facility also has some full-time security personnel. But the volunteer shifts by workers are the heart of security at the plants, mines, and farms.
The Unified System of Vigilance and Protection integrates all the mass organizations, such as the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution and the Federation of Cuban Women, in tasks of vigilance and defense on a neighborhood level. Like the Production and Defense Brigades, this system was created in the mid-1980s.
13. Lázaro Peña (1911-1974), a leader of the pro-Moscow Communist Party of Cuba (later Popular Socialist Party), was general secretary of the Confederation of Cuban Workers from its founding in 1939 until 1944. After the triumph of the Cuban revolution in 1959 under the leadership of the July 26 Movement and Rebel Army headed by Fidel Castro, the trade union movement was reorganized as the Central Organization of Cuban Workers. Lázaro Peña served as general secretary from 1961-66 and from 1973-74.
14. Jesús Menéndez was a central leader of the National Federation of Sugar Workers (FNOA) - one of the founding affiliates of the CTC - and of the pro-Moscow Communist Party of Cuba. He was general secretary of the FNOA from 1941 to 1948. Menéndez was assassinated by an army officer in January 1948 during the regime of Grau San Martín, as the FNOA was organizing a series of mobilizations and strikes by sugar workers for better pay.
15. This is in reference to the Platt Amendment, incorporated into a U.S. military appropriations bill and approved by the U.S. Congress in 1901.
The Cuban government established during the U.S. military occupation of the island following the Spanish-American War incorporated the provisions of the Platt Amendment in the new Cuban constitution. Washington was given the right to intervene in Cuban affairs at any time and to establish military bases on Cuban soil. Cuba eliminated these provisions from its constitution in 1934.
16. The Communist Party of Cuba, founded in 1965 under the leadership of Fidel Castro and other revolutionary cadres from the July 26 Movement and Rebel Army. Forces coming from the Popular Socialist Party and another group known as the Revolutionary Directorate fused with cadres of the July 26 Movement to form the new party.
17. Carlos Manuel de Céspedes was one of the central leaders of Cuba's 1868-78 independence war against Spanish colonialism. "La Demajagua" was the plantation of Céspedes near Yara, in the vicinity of Manzanillo, from where he proclaimed the independence of Cuba in the historic Grito de Yara (Yara proclamation) on Oct. 10, 1868.
18. The independence war against Spanish colonialism Martí launched in 1895. The 19th century Cuban independence fighters against Spanish colonial rule are known as the Mambí.