The Militant(logo) 
    Vol.60/No.8           February 26, 1996 
 
 
Letters  
Million Man March I
I was somewhat surprised by the Militant's coverage of the rulers' response to the Million Man March (January 22 issue - article by Steve Clark "Stop NATO war drive, emulate Cuban road; socialists organize campaign to defend Yugoslav workers state"). Following the action, "their [big-business press and commentators] class instincts told them they hated what they saw." The Militant didn't give any examples of this in the cited article, or, I believe, in its coverage in the weeks following the October 16 action.

The coverage I saw was more favorable following the action. Report-back "town meetings," which often included prominent capitalist politicians, received prominent and positive coverage. Even the sleazy TV tabloids seemed to join the chorus, with features on Black men adopting "unwanted" Black children or serving as role models or mentors for "troubled" youth. Here in Detroit, organizers of the march joined the cops and the mayor in the annual antiyouth campaign around "Devil's Night."

Did the Million Man March have the political character of "working-class mobilization"? Was there a marked difference between the banners, signs, and chants which predominated in the march from the approach of march organizers like Farrakhan and Chavis? Were there a large number of slogans calling for freeing Mumia Abu-Jamal or Geronimo Pratt, or opposing the death penalty? Did marchers see this action as fighting to defend affirmative action, and to significantly raise the minimum wage and social entitlements like welfare, AFDC, and social security? Was there a clear demand for a massive public works program and defense of Black family farmers?

I don't want to imply that there is some "litmus test" or checklist an action has to pass to merit support, but doesn't there have to be some challenge to at least some of the policies of the capitalist government, the greatest obstacle to the eradication of racism in the world? Was the Million Man March a protest action, either explicitly or implicitly? And if so, in what way? Was the Militant wrong not to promote it and build it?

Gary Boyers

Detroit, Michigan

Million Man March II
I hope the Militant will return to some of the themes in the October 30 article, "Why big turnout for Million Man March?' In particular I think it would be useful to write further and in greater political detail about the specific evolution of Malcolm X, why he left the Nation of Islam and the character of the Organization of Afro-American Unity he set out to build.

Geoff Mireolowitz

Seattle, Washington

On Ethiopian Jews
I found this article [on Ethiopian Jews in issue no. 6, Feb. 12, 1996] somewhat misleading and vague. The paragraph describing the Ethiopian's immigration to Israel states that "they were brought to special `absorption centers' where, according to the state, they would be prepared to integrate into Israeli society."

Most Jews that immigrate to Israel live in absorption centers when they arrive. They often stay for six months to a year and while there receive intensive Hebrew language study, called Ulpan, as well as aid in adapting to Israeli society. This, of course, includes a heavy dose of Zionist nationalism. Special classes for new immigrants are set up in public schools as well.

I know this from my own experience having immigrated to Israel in 1981. I lived in an absorption center for about 6 months, and then went to public school, where I attended some classes for immigrants only. I was also there during the first airlift from Ethiopia, where several thousand came to live in my town, Carmiel.

My point is that these absorption centers are not something specifically set up for the Ethiopian Jews. The very real discrimination was not documented in the way I am used to from the Militant, statistics on employment and housing, etc.

It would have been useful to compare the treatment of the Ethiopian Jews to other minority communities, i.e. Moroccan Jews, or even Russian Jews, in terms of housing and employment. These immigrants, primarily workers, have been at the forefront of the battle in the occupied territories. Denied decent housing and adequate employment, and bribed with a promise for better prospects, they have been virtually forced into settling these territories, once again cannon fodder for the Zionist imperialists.

I also don't think the article explained what the main slogans of the Ethiopian protesters meant. I believe what is meant by "...and we are just as Jewish as you are!" refers to the Orthodox Jews' disbelief in the authenticity of the Ethiopian claim to being a "lost tribe" of Jews that dates back centuries.

In short, there are many that charge they are not, in fact, Jews. The charge stems from the racists being unable to believe that Blacks could be Jews.

I would also be interested in a clarification on the suicide statistic. How much greater is the rate of suicide among Ethiopians than others? This statistic is rather abstract without clarification.

I think this protest is very significant. The Ethiopians are expressing the pent-up frustration and outrage at the racist and arrogant treatment they've experienced. As the Israeli capitalists attempt to deal with the deepening crisis of capitalism, the Israeli working class will mobilize. This raises the possibility for a broader social movement in Israel that could link up with the struggle for national self- determination for the Palestinians.

Abby Tilsner

New York, New York

The letters column is an open forum for all viewpoints on subjects of general interest to our readers. Please keep your letters brief. Where necessary they will be abridged. Please indicate if you prefer that your initials be used rather than your full name.

 
 
 
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