Q [Daily Herald] : Is a world war inevitable? If so, will it mean the end of the capitalist system?

A [Trotsky] : Yes a world war is inevitable, if a revolution does not forestall it. The inevitability of the war flows first from the incurable crisis of the capitalist system; second from the fact that the present partition of our planet, that is to say, above all, of the colonies, no longer corresponds to the economic specific weight of the imperialist states. Looking for an escape out of the mortal crisis, the parvenu states aspire, and cannot fail to aspire, to new partitioning of the world...

Of course, the more energetically and the more audaciously the advanced workers fight in all countries against militarism and imperialism now, in spite of the unfavorable conditions, the more quickly they will be able to stop the war when it has started, the greater will be the hopes for the salvation of our civilization from destruction.

Yes, I do not doubt that the new world war will provoke with absolute inevitability the world revolution and the collapse of the capitalist system. The imperialist governments of all counties are doing all that is possible to accelerate this collapse. It is only necessary that the world proletariat be not again taken unawares by the great events.

The task that the Fourth International puts before itself, I note in passing, is precisely the revolutionary preparation of the vanguard. This is exactly why it names itself the World Party of Socialist Revolution.

Q: Is not the world too afraid of Hitler?

A: The democratic governments look upon Hitler, who succeeded in `liquidating' the social question, with admiration and fear. The working class, which during one and a half centuries periodically shook the civilized countries of Europe by its revolts, is suddenly reduced to complete silence in Italy and Germany. The official politicians attribute this "success" to the internal, quasimystical properties of fascism and National Socialism. In reality the strength of Hitler is not himself, or in his contemptible philosophy, but in the terrible deception of the working masses, in their confusion and in their lassitude.

During many decades the proletariat of Germany built up a trade union organization and a Social Democratic party. Abreast of the strong Social Democracy appeared later a powerful Communist Party. And all these organizations, which rose upon the shoulders of the proletariat, were in the critical moment a zero, and crumbled away before the offensive of Hitler. They did not find in themselves the courage to call the masses to struggle, as they themselves were completely degenerated and bourgeoisified, and had lost the habit of thinking about struggle.

The masses pass through such catastrophes heavily and slowly. It is incorrect to say that the German proletariat has reconciled itself with Hitler! But it no longer believes in the old parties, in the old slogans, and at the same time it has not yet found a new way. This and only this explains the strong-arm omnipotence of fascism. It will continue until the masses have dressed their wounds, have regenerated themselves, and have once more lifted their heads. I think we can expect that in not a long time...

The struggle is for colonial possessions, for the domination of the world. The attempt to represent this brawl of interests and appetites as a struggle between "democracy" and "fascism" can only dupe the working class...

The strength of Hitler (at the same time also his weakness) consists in the fact that under the pressure of the helpless position of German capitalism, he is ready to resort to the most extreme means, using blackmail and bluff in passing, at the risk of leading to war. Hitler has fully realized the fear of the old colony-holders before any disturbance and has played on this fear, if not with a very great heart, at least with indubitable success.

Q: Should the "democracies" and the USSR unite to crush Hitler?

A: I do not feel that it is my mission to give counsel to imperialist governments, even if they call themselves democratic, or to the Bonapartist clique of the Kremlin, even if it calls itself socialist. I can only give counsel to the workers. My counsel to them is not to believe for a single instant that the war of the two imperialist camps can bring anything else but oppression and reaction in both camps. It will be the war of the slave-owners who cover themselves with various masks: "democracy," "civilization," on the one hand, "race," "honor," on the other. Only the overthrow of all slave-owners can once and for all put an end to war and open an epoch of true civilization.

Q: Does Hitler represent a great danger for the democracies?

A: The "democracies" themselves represent a much greater danger for themselves. The regime of bourgeois democracy appeared on the basis of liberal capitalism, that is to say, free competition. That epoch is now far in the past. The present monopoly capitalism, which has decomposed and degraded the petty and middle bourgeoisie, has thus undermined the ground under bourgeois democracy. Fascism is the product of this development. It does not come at all "from without." In Italy and Germany fascism conquered without foreign intervention. Bourgeois democracy is dead not only in Europe but also in America.

If it is not liquidated in time by socialist revolution, fascism will inevitably conquer in France, England, and the United States, with the aid of Mussolini and Hitler or without this aid. But fascism is only a respite. Capitalism is condemned. Nothing will save it from collapse. The more resolute and audacious the policy of the proletariat, the less the socialist revolution will provoke sacrifice, the sooner mankind will enter upon a new road.  
 
 
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