Even while they were developing their theory of a repression so severe as to admit of no other recourse except guerrilla war in the struggle against General René Barrientos, the leading figure in the military junta that toppled the Paz Estenssoro regime on November 4, 1964, our comrades of the Partido Obrero Revolucionario [Revolutionary Workers Party, Bolivia] reported happenings that actually showed other possibilities. Here is an example:

On May 1 [1968], a militant, anti-imperialist, and anti- military mass meeting was held under vigorous radical slogans. It openly condemned the Barrientos dictatorship. In the major cities -Oruro, Cochabamba, Potosí, Santa Cruz - there were similar demonstrations. In Cochabamba, the district prefect, General Reque Terán .. appeared at the demonstration backed up by force. He tried to speak to the crowd, but they did not let him. There was a violent reaction from the workers, who shouted: "You murdered Che [Guevara]!" "Imperialist lackey!" "Gorilla!" He had to retreat in the face of the general clamor.

Besides the militant slogans indicated, there were shouts of acclaim for Che and the guerrillas in these urban demonstrations. The government massed all its forces, police, the national guard, the army, the air force (Mustangs buzzed the demonstrations in La Paz to frighten the demonstrators), but it did not dare break them up. The junta was cowed and retreated. It is clear that more than expressing the new ascent and militant spirit of the masses, the May Day demonstrations were a victory against the government....

Of similar significance was the nature of the struggle carried on by the masses. The report continues:

A general movement is in progress for increased wages and salaries. The miners are proposing restoration of the old wages and return of all trade-union property. The immediate conflict is over the teachers' demand for a salary increase from 470 to 900 pesos. The government rejected this request. The teachers met in a national convention and approved various tactics of struggle leading by stages to a general strike. Among these were work stoppages graduated by districts, lightning meetings, blocking streets, etc...

Barrientos, killed in a helicopter crash April 27, 1969, was succeeded by Vice-President Adolfo Siles Salinas. Hardly more than an ornamental piece for the junta, Siles was ousted in a coup d'etat that put General Alfredo Ovando in power September 26, 1969.

Ovando permitted the trade unions to function. Traditional trade union activities were resumed and the Central Obrera Boliviana [Bolivian Workers Federation] began to rebuild its structure. Throughout April, May, and June of 1970 the proletariat took advantage of the semilegal opening conceded by Ovando and engaged in continual mass mobilizations. Other sectors became involved - students, teachers, part of the urban petty bourgeoisie, and even a few sectors of the peasantry. These mass actions were sufficient to enable the COB to resume open activity. In campus demonstrations, the students went so far as to take over universities.

The ruling class faced a growing crisis since they were unable to either suppress the mass movement for the time being or to grant economic concessions on the scale required to soften the class struggle...

During August and September Ovando twisted and turned as the masses pressed for concessions and a sector of the ruling class countered by insisting on a crackdown. In August a battle over control of the University of San Marcos precipitated a national crisis. On October 6 Ovando resigned, turning the reins of government over to [Gen. Rogelio] Miranda.

The consequence was an immediate mass explosion of the classic variety. Students and workers poured into the streets to block the attempted ultrarightist take-over...

The October 8 Le Monde reported:

Students began to build barricades in the streets of the capital in order to block any movements by forces favorable to General Rogelio Miranda. In Catavi the powerful tin- miners' unions denounced the "fascist coup d'etat of the right-wing officers" and decided to offer "conditional support" to General Juan José Torres.

The miners' federation called for arms "to defend our social gains" and posed as conditions for their support "the establishment of democratic liberties and release of the political prisoners, repeal of the antistrike decrees, nationalization of the foreign banks and all American interests, expulsion of all imperialist bodies, and the establishment of a people's government." The COB has already issued a call for a general strike throughout the country.

The COB also ordered its members to block the streets and prevent troop movements within La Paz.

Armed detachments of peasants joined in the action. Armed civilians freed political prisoners. The homes of ultrarightist military men and civilians were assaulted. The buildings of three leading newspapers were occupied. Jubilant tin miners seized police stations and announced they would demand quick wage increases.

The New York Times reported that on October 8:

armed students took over the headquarters of the criminal division of the national police. Apparently unopposed, they were reportedly looting the offices and destroying the files...

Students have also begun attacks on United States property. They entered the Bolivia-American Binational Center yesterday, hauling down an American flag and announcing that they were annexing the building to the university...

On January 10, 1971, the counterrevolutionary forces attempted another coup. Again they were beaten back by mass mobilizations. This time the masses were better organized, reflecting the gains they had made since the mobilizations that had defeated General Miranda three months earlier. Thousands of armed miners paraded through La Paz. The mass movement began to openly proclaim its goal of a socialist transformation in Bolivia.

Under this mounting pressure, the Torres regime granted further concessions. The International Metal Processing Corporation was nationalized. In February, Torres conceded wage increases to the miners.

At the time of the October struggle against General Miranda, the COB and all the political parties of the left had set up a "Political Command" to coordinate their struggle. In mid-February it was decided to convert this body into a "People's Assembly." This was a most significant step. As a workers' parliament, the People's Assembly had the potentiality of becoming a soviet. The development offered incontrovertible evidence that in the main the Bolivian revolution was following the "classical" pattern of the Russian revolution.

The project testified to the deep urge of the working class to form a common fighting front in which its allies - the students, peasants, and urban petty bourgeoisie -could participate. Nevertheless the absence of representation of the army rank and file and most of the peasantry pointed to grave weaknesses that a revolutionary party would have put high on its agenda for remedial action. Another grave weakness, requiring similar action, was the absence of local supporting bodies. These began to be formed only on the eve of the coup that overthrew Torres.

In the following months, the proletariat marked time. What was lacking was a revolutionary leadership to set goals and tasks and to block out a line of action. The Bolivian workers thus faced a crisis in leadership. To offer the popular masses no alternative but supporting Torres signified a default in political guidance. This led to a weakening of the forces that could have been mobilized behind the working class in a bid for power. As a result, the counterrevolution began, to regain confidence and to spin new plots with increasing boldness.  
 
 
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