BY TONY HUNT AND BOBBIS MISAILIDES
SARANDE, Albania - On June 30 President Sali Berisha acknowledged that his Democratic Party was defeated in elections that took place the day before, causing celebrations among working people here. The openly procapitalist president said subsequently he will resign once a new government is formed.

During the first round of voting June 29, the Socialist Party of Fatos Nano won 80 of the 155 seats in parliament. A second round took place a week later in 34 districts where no candidate won at least 50 percent of the ballots cast. Unofficial results from the July 6 voting indicate that the three-party coalition led by the SP will win a two-thirds majority in parliament, sufficient to oust Berisha if he refuses to step down. In a simultaneous referendum, more than 64 percent voted against the return of the monarchy in Albania.

The elections were organized after an armed rebellion by workers and peasants against Berisha's pro-imperialist regime and the disastrous effects of its "market reforms." The revolt began in January, when the "pyramid" schemes collapsed and hundreds of thousands of working people lost life savings they had deposited in these fraudulent investment funds.

Under pressure from the occupation forces of Italy and other imperialist powers, the Democratic Party and Socialist Party called the elections hoping to put an end to the working-class uprising. The voting took place under the watchful eye of thousands of foreign troops.

Workers welcome Berisha defeat
Most working people in Albania welcomed the defeat of Berisha and his Democratic Party. "It is a great victory if Berisha goes," said factory worker Niko Kirko at a rally of 3,000 people June 30 in Vlore's Square of the Flag. It had been called by the Committee for the Salvation of Vlore, one of the popular citizens councils that emerged during the upsurge in February and March. This southern port town has been at the center of the working-class resistance. "Without the revolt there would have never been elections," commented Alberti Shyti, a leader of the Vlore council, in an interview.

Many indicated great expectations from the soon-to-be- formed SP administration. "We expect democracy and jobs for all from a Fatos Nano government," construction worker Niko Vasilaki said in an interview at the June 30 rally in Vlore. Referring to the arms seized by the rebels to defend themselves, Vasilaki noted, "We will keep the weapons until Berisha and his people actually go."

A hotel worker who identified himself only with his first name, Helidon, was jubilant. "After three months sleeping with Kalashnikov rifles to defend ourselves against Berisha's men we are now free," he said. He was referring to daily violence by gangs loyal to the president that has taken a heavy toll on working people over the past three months, leaving 1,500 people dead.

In a desperate attempt to hold on to power, Berisha ordered the republican guard, which he thought remained loyal to him, to surround the capital Tirana July 1. But a good portion of this unit obeyed counter orders from the current prime minister Bashkim Fino of the Socialist Party. As Berisha tried to delay the counting process between the two rounds of voting, leading figures in his party deserted the sinking ship. Interior Minister Belul Celo, presidential guard commander Xhahit Xhaferri, and other officials left the country. Democratic Party chairman Tritan Shehu resigned after losing his seat in the second round.

Meanwhile, other rightists attempted to intimidate working people. Leka Zogu, son of Albania's former monarch, who is today an arms dealer in South Africa, led 300 heavily armed thugs to the Central Election Commission in Tirana July 3 after his bid to become king had been rejected. One of the royalists' supporters was killed in the gun battle that Zogu provoked.

Pro-Berisha gangs have tried unsuccessfully for months to beat back rebellious workers and farmers since the revolt reached a standstill in March.

Crisis of ruling caste
Between mid-January and mid-March, street protests and battles between working people and the army and police led to the effective dissolution of the armed forces and many police units. Workers seized weapons, agents of the hated secret police, SHIK, were killed and police stations burned down. Berisha faced being ousted by revolutionary means as he lost control of a third of the country.

The revolt by the Albanian toilers deepened the crisis of the ruling bureaucracy in this workers state. Most army officers deserted Berisha and ordered troops to go home. Hundreds of officers dismissed by Berisha earlier joined rebel councils in the south.

Berisha had promoted the pyramids, offering interest rates of up to 50 percent a month, as an easy and quick way toward personal enrichment and capitalism. This was part of his policies aimed at undermining the nationalized foundations of the Albanian economy. The noncapitalist property relations in Albania are a result of a profound socialist revolution after World War II, during which workers and peasants defeated the occupying Nazi armies and then took power and expropriated the capitalist rulers.

In the decades that followed, the Stalinist leadership of the Albanian Workers Party (or Communist Party) under Enver Hoxha alienated working people from politics and ruled in the interests of a privileged social caste. Both the Socialist and Democratic parties come from the former CP.

In the middle of a working-class revolt at the opening of this decade, coinciding with the toppling of Stalinist regimes elsewhere in Eastern Europe, the Communist Party changed its name to SP. Some of its leaders split off and formed the Democratic Party.

SP chairman Nano worked in Albania's Institute of Marxist-Leninist Studies under Hoxha and was prime minister just before the 1992 elections that brought the Democratic Party to power. Nano was imprisoned under Berisha's rule on allegations of embezzling state funds.

During the election campaign, Nano presented himself as a social democrat with views between French premier Lionel Jospin and British prime minister Anthony Blair, as he put it. "The philosophy of privatization, social assistance, denationalization, and decentralization of power is the future of my country," Nano said. He also promised to refund "as much as possible" of the $1.2 billion Albanians lost to swindlers in the pyramid schemes.

Nano's reference to "social assistance" reflects widespread sentiments among working people for reversing the deep cuts in the social wage Berisha instituted. The polyclinic in Vlore is an example of the state of social services today. The fourth floor of the four-story hospital has been "privatized," and dentistry is no longer free there. The dentists use the same office and equipment as before, but now charge the patients and pay rent to the state. "Health care is free," said the wife of a dentist who asked that her name not be used. "But if you don't pay something, no one pays attention to you."

Despite the economic dislocation caused by Berisha's "market reforms," though, the economic foundations of the workers state still exist. According to the Greek daily Eleftherotypía, very few medium-size companies were sold to private investors in 1995, plans to privatize large state- owned enterprises have been put on hold, and foreign investment is minimal.

Berisha, formerly Hoxha's personal physician and a Communist Party member, broke with the CP at the end of the 1980s and became one of the founders of the Democratic Party. His regime was backed by Washington and other imperialist powers until this year's revolt. Berisha secured re-election last May by vote-rigging and intimidation.

On March 11, Berisha saved his neck by conceding to the opposition's demand for new elections and inviting the SP into a coalition government. SP leader Fino became prime minister and began calling for the rebels to disarm and for imperialist intervention.

The Socialist Party's involvement made possible the deployment and occupation of Albania by 7,000 troops from Italy, France, Greece, and other countries.

Reaction by imperialist powers
The foreign troops have been deployed throughout the country under the pretext of delivering humanitarian aid and guaranteeing "free and fair elections." Following the ballot, the imperialist Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) said voting was "adequate and acceptable." The occupying troops displayed a considerable show of force during the elections in patrolling the cities and escorting the 400 OSCE "observers."

In Vlore, Italian tanks and armored personnel carriers crisscrossed the streets on election day, as well as the next day when the population gathered to celebrate Berisha's defeat.

"I know they say they are here to protect us," said a teacher at the June 30 rally who asked that her name not be used. "But I can't help but feel that they seem like invaders every time I see them on the street."

After listening to speeches at the gathering she commented, "We are not going to let the politicians fool us again. We will be watching them closely to make sure they keep their promises."

Spokespeople of most imperialist governments welcomed the outcome of the elections, hoping that the ballot will mark an end to the toilers' resistance to their plans to restore capitalism in Albania. Yiannos Kraniditiotis, Greek deputy foreign minister, said he was pleased at the "calm atmosphere" during voting and added that "Greece wants Albania soon to become a developed, prosperous and stable country and play an important role in efforts for stability in the region." A German foreign ministry spokesman welcomed the return to "orderly relations."

The Italian government - one of the most solid supporters of Berisha - was less satisfied, arguing that the SP regime should include the Democratic Party in a new cabinet. "The prevailing situation would demand governments that have the broader consensus of all forces," stated Italian foreign minister Lamberto Dini June 30.

The international capitalist media immediately offered advise to the new Socialist Party government. Above all, the big-business press insisted that the Nano regime lower the expectations of workers and disarm the population and the rebel councils.

"Mr. Nano is now faced with building a new country," said an editorial in the July 2 New York Times. "He must first disarm the militias and restore security. That may require European troops to stay longer than their planned withdrawal date of mid-August."

Working people continue to resist
Today the revolt in Albania has lost momentum. The June 30 rally in Vlore was smaller and less youthful than previous gatherings attended by Militant reporters. But the workers and farmers are not defeated and remain the main obstacle to the objectives of imperialism and the would-be capitalists here.

Kirko, an emigrant factory worker in Greece who had returned for the election, said, "I think people voted for the SP to get rid of Berisha... Fatos Nano promised to return the money and we expect that he will do it. If not, then we will be back in the streets protesting."

Foti Russi, a fisherman in Sarande, stated, "We don't want big taxes on us. We need help from the state such as loans for spare parts for our boats and nets. If they don't return our money this government will fall as well. People will not give the arms back." Russi and other fishermen now moor their boats in the former naval base in Sarande that was abandoned during the revolt.

Arkat Stekke, a leather cutter at the Rekor shoe factory in Gjirokaster commented, "We expect the new government to bring order and normality and return the money Berisha stole. We will keep the arms until Berisha and his people go."

"It's good that the SP won," stated Markos Tsambiris, 27, a taxi driver who was on the front lines during the uprising in Sarande. "The new government should give our money back and pay the interest on it as well. Berisha should face trial and pay for his crimes, although no party is demanding this."

The daily violence most believe has been orchestrated by the Berisha regime has posed the biggest challenge to rebellious workers and accounts for the ambiguous attitude towards the occupying troops. If anything, most workers interviewed by the Militant complained the troops were not doing anything to stop the violence.

Tsambiris explained how the violence dealt a blow to morale. In Sarande, he said, "for four to six weeks we were at the roadblocks at the entrances of the city defending it from attacks by Berisha. Our morale and our passion was high. We could have brought real change in this country by bringing down Berisha then. But while we were guarding the city, gangs of thieves linked to the secret police began to rob our homes and attack our families." Fighters began to leave the roadblocks and return home to defend their neighborhoods, he said.

This violence has been exploited by the big-business press to portray the participants in the revolt as gangsters and bandits. Some of this violence is openly political. A Vlore resident, who did not want her identity disclosed, told of a young SP supporter being beaten nearly to death for his views. With reports of armed robberies and fatal shootings on the roads, travel between towns in the south has become more difficult and risky, Militant reporters found. In particular, Vlore and Tepelene, where the mobilization of working people was the strongest, are among the hardest places to get to. Those towns are falsely depicted in the media as the most dangerous.

Evolution of leadership of the revolt
Defense committees from rebel towns in the south, and some in the north, had formed a National Front for Salvation of the People on March 12, effectively replacing the government's authority in parts of the country. The committees comprised individuals of different social origin and political outlook, including ex-generals from Hoxha's time. As a stalemate developed in the struggle by mid-March, the Front began taking political initiatives aimed at forcing the SP and other parties to support working-class demands.

In a June 30 interview, Alberti Shyti of the rebel council in Vlore said the committee there no longer organizes food distribution or armed defense. The council provided unarmed observers for the election. Recently the committee led 200 residents in a march to confront one of two criminal gangs operating in town. The gangs had staged a widely publicized gunfight the week before the election. Shyti said the Front leadership had recently concluded, "Either we would support the Fino government and move towards elections or we would not work with the political parties and continue the fight as the committees... You can't push forward the struggles of the people without the parties."

Shyti and two other committee leaders stood in the election as candidates. Shyti stood for the Social- Democrats, one of the SP's coalition partners. He was not elected. Another committee member who stood on the SP ticket did win a seat in parliament.

Economic activity in Vlore had picked up by the end of June, with more cafes and shops open and more trucks and other traffic on the streets.

Minella Bala, the retired truck driver who led the committee in Sarande, said that at its June 24 meeting the National Front decided "to organize resistance if Berisha stole the elections." He also said the Sarande committee met subsequently and decided to stop functioning, although the individuals on it will keep in touch.

The government is now making an effort to reconstitute a police force in Vlore, Sarande, and other towns in the south in collaboration with the rebel councils. In Vlore the committee appointed the new chief of police.

The attitude of Pericli Beziani, 43, from Gjirokaster, typical among many workers, illustrated the challenge pro- capitalist forces still face. Beziani traveled as a guard in a taxi taken by Militant reporters from that city to Sarande July 2. He was a supporter of Nano, he said. Pointing to his Kalashnikov, he added, "If we don't get our money back we will use these again." He kept an alert eye on the mountainous slopes for armed robbers.

Beziani said he had been imprisoned under Hoxha's regime and opposed restrictions on democratic rights but he talked enthusiastically about some about the social gains workers and farmers won through the 1944-46 revolution. "If foreign investors come here," he said, "the government should get a percentage of the profits. But it would be better if the government made the investments."

Natasha Terlexis, member of the Foreign Airlines Workers Union in Athens, Greece, contributed to this article.  
 
 
Front page (for this issue) | Home | Text-version home