BY ARGIRIS MALAPANIS
In another effort to defuse the unyielding protests against Belgrade's anti-democratic measures, the Stalinist government of Slobodan Milosevic acknowledged on January 8 that the opposition coalition Zajedno (Together) had won municipal elections in Nis, Serbia's second largest city.

Opposition leaders, however, rejected ending their protests until Milosevic concedes throughout the republic. "The government is trying to work out a compromise, but that is unacceptable to us," said Aleksandar Krstic, an opposition leader in Nis. "This decision is a clear admission by the government that it carried out fraud during the vote in 13 voting stations. This is one small step forward in our drive to get the government to honor the election results in Nis and the rest of Serbia."

"On the basis of documents inspected by the Justice Ministry, the Zajedno political organization won 37 seats, the Socialist Party 32 and the Serbian Radical Party 1 seat in Nis local council," reported Tanjug, the state news agency.

Opposition leaders in Nis say the Socialist Party won only 16 seats with 41 for Zajedno, 1 for the rightist Serbian Radical Party, and 12 that remain in dispute.

"We will not negotiate about these elections," said Miroljub Labus, a Zajedno spokesperson. "The total electoral decision of the people must be accepted."

The Milosevic regime annulled results of the November 17 ballot, when Zajedno claimed it won majorities in 14 of the Yugoslav republics 19 largest cities, including Belgrade. A day later protests erupted demanding the reinstatement of the election results. Since November 18, demonstrations organized by Zajedno and separate marches by students at Belgrade University have brought tens of thousands to the streets of Belgrade and 30 other Serbian cities virtually on a daily basis.

Nis, where the opposition claimed that supporters of the ruling Socialist Party falsified the ballot tallies, was where the protests first erupted. Unemployment of 50 percent and high inflation has fueled anti-government sentiment in this industrial center and among workers in other cities. In Nis, Zajedno appears to enjoy support among the army and local police, making it harder for Belgrade to stick with its electoral fraud. According to reports in the big-business media, soldiers often applaud opposition demonstrators as they march by the barracks.

On December 25, Belgrade issued new restrictions on street demonstrations, saying police would not tolerate blocking of traffic in the capital and other cities. Thousands of police in riot gear have blocked access to the central square in downtown Belgrade and have often pushed demonstrators onto the sidewalks.

The government, however, has refrained from carrying out a head-on crackdown. Students and Zajedno have continued to organize marches and protest rallies, often finding creative ways to avoid police restrictions. On January 5, for example, tens of thousands paralyzed traffic in Belgrade through a snaking parade of cars. A few days later, thousands of police officers blocked opposition supporters from driving their cars into the center of the city and prevented 3,000 students from marching there. So the tug of war continues.

Meanwhile, Belgrade appears to be preparing to cede control of municipal councils without losing control of state-owned companies that are now under the direction of city halls. According to the New York Times, the Milosevic regime is taking steps to give the central government in Belgrade control of all decision-making in local print and broadcast companies.  
 
 
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