BY LAURA GARZA AND ROSE ANA BERBEO
MEXICO CITY - "The government hasn't carried out what it signed," said Vladimir Montes, 17, at a march in Mexico City's main plaza, the Zócalo. "They think that after a time they'll tire out the EZLN [Zapatista National Liberation Army]. It's illegal for the military to be there - they should get out" of the state of Chiapas. Marchers carried signs demanding freedom for political prisoners, and chanted, "Chiapas, Chiapas, no es cuartel. Fuera ejército de él." (Chiapas, Chiapas, it's not a garrison. Get the army out!)

Leticia Ramírez, a nurse who joined the protest, stated, "Until the government demilitarizes Chiapas, there won't be peace."

The March 16 protest of more than 1,000 people initiated a 100-hour march around the Zócalo. It was called by the National Indigenous Congress (CNI) to oppose a newly announced government initiative to supposedly settle the conflict in southern Mexico.

While tensions remain high in the region of Chiapas, with thousands of federal troops permanently ensconced there and the assassination of indigenous activists an ongoing occurrence, President Ernesto Zedillo signed an initiative on March 14, still to be voted on in the Mexican legislature, proposing changes in the constitution in the area of indigenous rights and culture. The measure signaled an offensive by the government aimed at portraying rebel peasant organizations, the EZLN, and anyone else who doesn't accept Zedillo's proposals for dealing with the conflict in Chiapas as a dangerous obstacle to peace.

Zedillo claims the constitutional changes will guarantee autonomy, promote bilingual education, and guarantee impartial justice, thereby bringing the government into compliance with the San Andrés accords, signed in 1996 by representatives of peasant organizations and government officials. But a number of points the fighters in Chiapas had hoped to address through the accords do not appear in the proposal. These include the removal of the massive military presence in the region; guarantees of autonomy over ruling bodies that have real authority over the laws to which residents are subjected; and a guarantee of the indigenous people's right to the land, which is the heart of the dispute in the region. The San Andrés accords were the result of negotiations the government was forced into after its initial attempts to smash the peasant uprising that began in January 1994 were met with widespread protests. But the agreements were never implemented. Negotiations over their implementation broke off as the government continued its military offensive.

The constitutional initiative was greeted with widespread opposition from peasant organizations in Chiapas, organizations in support of indigenous rights, and representatives of opposition political parties. In full page ads taken out in several newspapers, the CNI urged people to join a hunger strike during the 100-hour action in the Zócalo and spelled out conditions for resuming talks. These conditions include the reactivation of the negotiation process with previously agreed upon bodies as intermediaries; freedom for Zapatista political prisoners; and an end to the militarization of the region and to the threats against indigenous communities from military and paramilitary groups.

Among those protesting in the Zócalo March 16 were representatives of a group of 700 peasants who had come directly from Chiapas to demand freedom for 12 prisoners, as well as to call for an investigation into the murder of seven Tojolabal Indian activists whose bodies were discovered in February.

The government's recent moves are aimed at justifying further actions against the peasant population. Zedillo's initiative comes in the context of a stepped-up campaign against the EZLN, portraying it as responsible for the violence in the region, and continual activity of rightist paramilitary groups who have been given free reign by the army. It was this situation that led to the December 1997 massacre of some 45 peasants in the town of Acteal, Chiapas, which brought worldwide attention to the region once again.

The government has been running a series of television commercials that show happy natives and end with the assurance, "The government is complying with the San Andrés accords." But along with this has come headlines in the big- business press demanding the Zapatista leadership respond positively to Zedillo's proposals or be at fault for the impasse in the so-called peace talks. One government spokesperson has been widely quoted as saying that if the EZLN rejects the proposal, the semilegal status it has enjoyed in the form of a suspension of arrest orders could be ended.

"This is one of the most dangerous moments we have faced in four years," stated Rodrigo Chávez, an organizer of the 100-hour protest. He echoed a widespread sentiment that Zedillo's moves head in the direction of initiating further military action against the EZLN and its sympathizers.

Meanwhile, the government sought to use the sharp drops in the price of oil on the world market to continue its assault on the standard of living of Mexico's working class. Government officials have indicated the Zedillo administration will take measures to maintain stability in the economy, including further slashing social spending to make up for the drop in revenue it receives from taxes on oil exports. Finance Minister José Angel Gurría announced March 24 the second such "adjustment" to the budget this year.

Laura Garza is a member of the International Association of Machinists (IAM) in Houston. Rose Ana Berbeo is a member of the IAM in Newark, New Jersey.  
 
 
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