Speaking before the House International Relations Committee March 7, Secretary of State Colin Powell outlined an "emerging policy" to authorize air strikes against targets in Iraq that Washington deems are a violation of United Nations resolutions established after the 1990–91 Gulf War. In the past, White House officials claimed U.S. military forces were acting in "self-defense" as their reason for launching bombing assaults.
"If and when we find facilities or other activities going on in Iraq that we believe are inconsistent with our [UN ] obligations, we reserve the right to take military action against such facilities and will do so," Powell said. In February, U.S. warplanes dropped 28 antipersonnel cluster bombs, guided missiles, and laser-guided bombs on Iraqi radar installations near Baghdad. Washington said its aim was to "degrade" Iraq's radar system, which had been modernized enough to start targeting U.S. and British warplanes patrolling "no-fly zones" imposed after the Gulf War.
At the Senate hearing Powell outlined "three baskets" of Washington's policy on Iraq: the U.S.-led sanctions, enforcing the "no-fly zones," and building support for so-called opposition groups. In exchange for an agreement on more effective sanctions, the U.S. government said it would consider revising the list of products the United Nations restricts or prohibits for sale to Iraq. Some 1,600 contracts worth an estimated $3 billion are currently being held up because of objections by Washington.
The secretary of state said recent moves by the U.S. government on sanctions did not reflect an easing of the embargo against Iraq. Instead, he explained, "We are trying to fix a collapsing situation with respect to the sanctions." He asserted the Bush administration aimed to "revive international support" for the sanctions, and defuse growing criticism that they are punishing Iraqi civilians, the Washington Post reported March 8.
Several administration officials downplayed the sanctions, stating the embargo was the first part of an "evolving policy" toward ousting the Iraqi government. "Sanctions aren't a policy," declared U.S. deputy defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz at his confirmation hearing before the Senate Armed Services Committee. "They're at best, a part of a policy."
Two years ago Wolfowitz; now-Defense-Secretary Donald Rumsfeld; Richard Armitage, the nominee for deputy secretary of state; and John Bolton, nominee for under secretary of state, signed a public letter urging the Clinton administration to adopt a "more muscular Iraq policy." The letter asserted that "the only acceptable strategy" for Washington would be one geared at overthrowing the Iraqi government.
Richard Perle, who was a foreign policy adviser for the election campaign of George Bush, appeared before a subcommittee panel of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in late February urging support to the Iraqi National Congress. He called for transporting figures connected with the bogus group into the "no-fly zones" of Iraqi territory. Then if Baghdad organized a "military response" in defense of its sovereignty, Washington would have its "assets in the air to protect" the imperialist-created grouping.
Sen. Samuel Brownback said the Bush administration should provide more money for arms and training to the group. "There is only one answer to solving this problem, and the answer is Saddam Hussein and getting him out of power," he stated.
Powell had announced to the House International Relations Committee that he had approved the release of more U.S. funds to the grouping. His statements coincided with stepped-up propaganda in the bourgeois media about kickbacks demanded by Iraqi government officials who are allegedly cheating on the "oil for food" program imposed on Baghdad four years ago by Washington and other imperialist powers. "Iraq Is Running Payoff Racket, U.N. Aides Say; Kickbacks Are Cited in 'Oil for Food' Plan," read a headline in the March 7 New York Times.
Washington's ongoing efforts to strangle the Iraqi people through sanctions has sharpened frictions among its imperialist rivals, in particular Paris, which hopes to rake in handsome profits from any oil deals, construction contracts, and other trade with Baghdad. According to a March 9 report from Radio France Internationale, "The two countries openly clashed at yesterday's meeting of the UN Security Council." The report cited Washington's blocking of vaccines for measles, tetanus, and tuberculosis for children, "putting the lives of 4.7 million Iraqi children under the age of five at risk."
French foreign minister Hubert Védrine said Paris would not budge on its demand to end the sanctions against Iraq, which he described as "more and more cruel and less and less effective," the Financial Times reported March 2.
Meanwhile, the Russian-Belarusian oil company Slavneft signed an agreement with the Iraqi oil ministry March 6 to develop the Subba oil deposit in Iraq. Oil experts estimate that there are more than 105 million tons of oil reserves in the Subba deposit.
Related article:
Castro, in 1990 message, explains U.S. aims in Iraq
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