The previous CTC national congress took place in 1996. The Militant published a translation of the Theses for that meeting in four installments from the March 18 to the April 8 issues of 1996.

Reprinted below are the first 24 theses; a further excerpt will be published in next week's issue. The translation as well as the footnotes and text in brackets are by the Militant.  
 

Together with youth and students, key actors in this offensive of revolutionary ideas--which was launched originally through the fight to win the freedom of the child Elián González--Cuban workers, teachers, doctors, industrial workers, scientists, artists and other intellectual creators, athletes, retirees, and all of our union members, along with peasants, combatants of the Revolutionary Armed Forces [FAR] and Interior Ministry, and our entire patriotic and revolutionary people, are taking part in this process of strengthening our moral and political positions. We know imperialism will be unable to defeat us by force or seduce us through the siren song of neoliberal ideology. Nor will it be able to erode the values that have forged the revolution over more than 40 years of constant battles for our freedom and independence.

The development of a general, rounded culture, aimed at involving every Cuban and reinforcing even more our national identity, is a strategic goal. It encompasses efforts such as the speakouts, the roundtables, the University for All, the study of history, the promotion of reading, the development of a culture of debate, and calm and reasoned analysis of the serious problems confronting humanity today.¹ These are tasks that all of us as workers are called on to carry out and that our union movement takes on as our own.

The entire process of the 18th Congress has been marked by the determination of the Cuban people to strengthen and improve our socialism; to resist and defeat the criminal economic U.S. blockade as well as all laws, amendments, and maneuvers against our country; to achieve efficiency in all areas of production and services nationwide; and to consolidate our social and political system.

This is the main thrust of the work that we in the CTC, its unions, and all members have been carrying out since the very first steps leading to this congress. The very process of discussion of these Theses is an integral part of the battle of ideas led by Fidel.

These Theses for the 18th Congress of the CTC are aimed at presenting the essence of the most important lines of action that the Cuban union movement must follow in the coming period.

The general secretary of the CTC, on behalf of the national secretariat, will present to the plenary of the 18th Congress a report on the organization's work since the previous meeting in 1996, which will be extensively analyzed and debated by the delegates.

Thus, the Theses do not include such a balance sheet of this work, although at times it makes a necessary reference to it.

The congress will adopt various resolutions on union work that will explain the tasks in detail.

The present Theses will therefore focus only on the key questions and leave the details to the resolutions, which will be drafted based on analyzing workers' experiences and their contributions to the discussion of these Theses and to the congress discussions.

In other words, the Theses are not the culmination of a discussion but rather are designed to initiate and encourage it. They are aimed at stimulating a discussion, enriched by the experiences of the working masses, and preparing the deliberations of the 18th Congress and the drafting of its resolutions.  
 
Theses for the 18th Congress
"Revolution means a sense of the historic moment; it means changing everything that must be changed; it means complete equality and freedom; it means being treated and treating others as human beings; it means emancipating ourselves through our own efforts; it means challenging the powerful dominant forces within and beyond the social and national arena; it means defending at any cost the values we believe in. Revolution means modesty, selflessness, altruism, solidarity, and heroism; it means fighting with audacity, intelligence, and realism; it means never lying or violating moral principles; it means the profound conviction that there is no force on earth capable of crushing the power of ideas and the truth.

"Revolution is unity, independence, and fighting for our dreams of justice for Cuba and for the world--the basis of our patriotism, socialism, and internationalism."

--Fidel Castro  
 
The current situation
1. This 18th Congress, the first congress of the revolution and of our union organization taking place in the new century, is geared toward two great historical tasks. One is to keep strengthening the active role of workers in building our invincible trenches of stones and of ideas in defense of the revolution, in face of the criminal imperialists who seek to take away our independence. The other is to advance the efforts to achieve the full recovery of the country and the development of a socialist economy that is efficient and competitive, as defined by the Fifth Congress of our [Communist] Party.²

To achieve this goal, we must further improve the functioning of the unions.

2. The present situation is shaped by the fact that the gradual recovery of our economy serves as the framework for the revolution's determined advance toward an unstoppable offensive in the field of ideas, particularly in areas such as moral values, law, politics, information, education, and culture.

3. This turn, which had already been announced in the late 1990s, gained an extraordinary momentum in 2000 through the fight to save the boy Elián González Brotons, who had been held hostage by the Miami mafia and its accomplices of the Yankee far right.

4. During these years the imperialists used their entire arsenal to try to bring us to our knees: the destabilizing effects of the cynical and murderous Cuban Adjustment Act, which has been maintained despite the immigration accords; passage of new legislation tightening further the cruel and illegal blockade, such as the Torricelli and Helms-Burton laws;³ tolerance of and support for the terrorists of the Cuban American National Foundation; psychological and propaganda war through the radio and other means; as well as the crude manipulation that takes place year after year--with an array of supporting actors and accomplices--in the United Nations Human Rights Commission.

5. These measures have caused us serious harm. Nonetheless, they have failed to achieve their objectives. Our people, through their tenacious resistance and their hard and conscious sacrifice, have proven once again to be an unshakable bastion of dignity, morale, and patriotism.

6. The conditions of the Special Period continue today.⁴ While the country has unquestionably begun a sustained process of recovery that includes almost all branches of production and services, we can not close our eyes to the reality that the economic crisis has not been completely overcome and that the effects of the intensified Yankee blockade continue. It has also been demonstrated that, despite this situation, wherever systematic work has been done by applying the correct policies of the revolution, we advance more rapidly and start leaving behind the most difficult moments of the Special Period.

7. Through a tenacious and well-led effort, our revolution has been able to preserve its independence as well as the revolutionary values of fairness, equal opportunity, free public health care, and education for all. It has been able to maintain, as much as possible, the availability of decent and useful jobs, a universal system of social security, the protection of the most vulnerable citizens and social layers, broad access to sports and culture, and the full exercise of people's dignity and inalienable democratic rights through real participation in all basic decisions.

8. We can not ignore, however, the fact that some social welfare policies, such as housing, transportation, food quality, and others that have a major impact on the everyday life of the population, have been affected negatively by the economic crisis and the intensified U.S. economic war against Cuba.

9. As part of our strategy of survival and development in the new international context, the revolution has had to carry out certain necessary economic reforms to have available resources that are vital to the population and to the functioning of the economy as well as to maintain our socialist course. This process has been conducted in an orderly and controlled way, with good results. But we are aware that along this road there have been measures that--while unavoidable and even necessary to carry out--carry the germs of the market economy and have generated contradictions and inequalities that we did not have before the Special Period, and that are alien to the values we defend and have fostered over the years.

10. In these circumstances, we must firmly and persistently continue the revolution's strategy--the cornerstone of the political and ideological work of the unions--of steadily strengthening the value of labor and wages as an essential aspect of the well-being and quality of life of workers and our people.

11. This remains a key issue to resolve, both because of its economic as well as moral importance. The improved management process ⁵ and other measures being implemented should bring us closer to the goal of income in pesos being the main source of wages and material incentives, based on each person's contribution to society.

12. Greater efficiency and increased production and services--in a way that reduces costs, increases the benefits to the country, and expands our exports--will be a decisive aspect in providing a gradual solution to the legitimate expectations of working people.

13. In recent years the value of the peso has increased many times over in relation to hard currencies, but remains low in relation to the unmet demand for goods and services, especially in markets where prices are set by supply and demand. Even with huge material limitations, our socialist state continues to subsidize a range of products and services offered at affordable prices.

14. More than 1,060,000 workers--60 percent of those in production--earn wages that are based on production results, and more than 775,000 workers--70 percent--in the state budgetary sector have received wage increases of 15 to 50 percent. Some 1,200,000 workers are receiving incentives in hard currency or the equivalent, also tied to production results. Nonetheless, we are aware of the existence of inequalities caused by disproportionate incomes that do not correspond to the work performed and its results; we cannot eliminate these inequalities completely, but we can increasingly diminish them by working on measures that raise income for those who live from their wages and that prevent those receiving other sources of income from enjoying privileges that contradict the principles of social justice of our society.

15. In light of these realities, a particular focus of our attention, as part of the policies of our revolutionary government, is the situation faced by families with very low incomes, including retired people, elderly people living alone, and single mothers.

16. There are workers, who, in these circumstances, drift toward corruption and crime, toward a deformed and irresponsible attitude of how to resolve their needs and satisfy their aspirations at any cost, and to ward using certain jobs for personal gain at the expense of state resources or by deceiving consumers and customers.

17. It is clear that no need, no matter how pressing, can justify antisocial conduct that glorifies disorder and moral decay and violates the essential moral values of the revolution. A response to such a problem cannot be delayed; the administration must confront it vigorously and systematically, with the decisive aid of the union, the participation of the organs of public safety, prosecutors, courts, and vigilance and action by the whole population.

18. Thieves and corrupt individuals not only take away people's peace of mind and undermine their morale, but steal important economic resources and harm the profitability of enterprises; that is, they are stealing from all the people. It is essential for workers in every workplace to watch for, combat, decisively reject, and prevent such conduct.

19. Among the measures that were necessary to adopt to confront the complex economic situation at the opening of the 1990s was allowing the free circulation of hard currency. This measure was taken because, either it would be done officially--and mechanisms could then be established to redistribute among the population, to the extent possible, the income produced through various channels--or it would left to chance, to be diverted to the black market and illegal methods, without any possibility of redistribution. With the passage of time, there is no doubt that this decision was correct and necessary, and that, combined with the results of other measures, it has contributed to the country's economic recovery.

20. These beneficial effects are accompanied by an inevitable effect on society--social and economic inequalities that have made the political and ideological aspects of Cuban society more complex. These repercussions, which were always anticipated, place new demands on our conscious activity in defense of socialist values.

21. Everyone can clearly see the complexities involved in the circulation of two currencies, principally in monetary-commercial relations between enterprises, as well why it was necessary to resort to this measure, even as a temporary move. The government and the union movement agree on the importance of ending this temporary situation and restoring the exclusive circulation of our national currency as soon as the necessary conditions exist--conditions that are tied in particular to the increase in production and economic efficiency. We will thus be able to shorten this period to the extent we work harder and better.

22. On the other hand, the changes our country is carrying out are sometimes blocked by the inertia of some administrative cadres and the lack of response and commitment of workers and union leaders who have little or poor training. Some still maintain the attitude of continuing to expect unlimited resources. While such an attitude was always an erroneous and complacent one, under today's conditions in a neoliberal and globalized world, it is an unacceptable illusion that leads only to paralysis.

23. There is also the bad habit of failing to meet commitments and contracts--including those reached with the workers--with the apparent confidence that nothing will happen. There are also expressions of self-sufficiency, arrogance, dishonesty, and double standards, with a large dose of individualism. Such attitudes flourish when weaknesses in political work persist, including when unions play a passive, formalistic, and hollow role.

24. The union movement is an active defender of the principle that under socialism, a leader who is not competent, modest, and austere cannot be a leader; and that socialist officials, revolutionary cadres, are servants of the people. At the same time we recognize and fight together with leaders who have these qualities.
 
 
¹The tribunas abiertas, or speakouts, are political rallies that are being organized weekly in Cuba to educate about and mobilize opposition to the U.S. government's policies of aggression against the Cuban Revolution. The mesas redondas, or roundtables, are panel discussions, held five or sometimes six times a week and televised nationally, that discuss a range of political questions, often aspects of the U.S.-led drive against the Cuban Revolution. Both initiatives were originally launched as part of the revolutionary leadership's mobilization of Cuban working people and youth to defend Cuba's sovereignty and demand that Washington return Elián González, a Cuban child who had been picked up by U.S. authorities off the Florida coast in November 1999; the U.S. government finally returned him to Cuba in June 2000.

The University for All is part of a campaign to widen the availability of education both among student youth and working people of all ages. It consists of nationally televised courses on various subjects such as English, geography, and art appreciation. It is part of a multifaceted effort--which also includes promoting computer literacy, including among preschool and primary school students; a campaign to train greater numbers of grade school teachers; and other initiatives aimed at broadening access to culture and deepening political education, which Cuban president Fidel Castro has referred to as the fight for a "general, rounded culture."

² The Fifth Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba, held in October 1997, adopted an Economic Resolution that emphasized boosting labor efficiency in order to reduce state subsidies to enterprises and produce more of the essential goods needed by the Cuban people.

³ Under the 1966 Cuban Adjustment Act, anyone from Cuba landing on U.S. shores is granted permanent residency within a year by the U.S. government. Under U.S.-Cuban immigration accords signed in 1994 and 1995, Washington agreed to grant entry visas to 20,000 Cubans a year, and to return Cubans attempting to enter the United States without papers.

The 1992 Cuban Democracy Act, known as the Torricelli Act, prohibits trade between third-country U.S. subsidiaries and Cuba. The 1996 Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act, known as the Helms-Burton Act, includes a number of embargo-tightening measures, such as exposing foreign investment in Cuba to the risk of legal challenges in U.S. courts by Cuban-American and other U.S. capitalists whose properties were nationalized by Cuba's working people.

⁴ The Special Period refers to the economic crisis, triggered at the opening of the 1990s by the cutoff of trade in preferential prices with the former Soviet bloc countries, during which Cuba has had to face more directly the ravages of the world capitalist market.

⁵ The Improved Management System, or perfeccionamiento empresarial, is a set of reforms being implemented in an increasing number of Cuban enterprises through which a number of important management policies that have been determined by national legislation, or have been subject to strict regulation by the responsible government ministry--such as wage scales, the number of workers employed, the hours worked, and enterprise responsibility for training--are determined, to a greater degree, enterprise by enterprise. These policies are subject to discussion and agreement between management and the union at the workplace. Eliminating government subsidies to inefficient enterprises is one of the goals.

For a discussion of the Improved Management System, see article "Cuban workers discuss reforms in factory management" by Jonathan Silberman and Mary-Alice Waters, in the June 5, 2000, issue of the Militant.  
 
 
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