One month earlier, German chancellor Gerhard Schröder's coalition government could not rally support among Social Democratic Party and Green Party members of parliament to take part in an earlier NATO mission in Macedonia. Schröder had to rely on the opposition to secure a majority in favor of deploying troops.

The NATO troops are scheduled to be stationed in Macedonia for at least three months, under the guise of protecting civilian observers monitoring a cease-fire between government forces and Albanians who waged a successful battle for recognition of their national rights in the country. The new NATO mission is scaled down from a 4,500-strong force under British leadership that was sent into the country last month to disarm the rebels.

Berlin is taking the opportunity afforded to it by the September 11 attack in the United States to expand its military operations outside Germany, especially in the Balkans. While having been pushed to the sidelines in earlier military deployments by Washington and London, Berlin is now moving in as London withdraws troops from Macedonia in order to redeploy them as part of the imperialist assault on Afghanistan. At the same time, Berlin is taking its distance from direct military involvement in any retaliatory strikes in response to the September 11 attacks.

Berlin's readiness to assume leadership in the Balkans represents the latest effort to expand its military and diplomatic responsibilities within the NATO imperialist military alliance. Berlin recently nominated its military chief of staff Gen. Harold Kujat to fill NATO's highest military leadership position, now occupied by a British general.  
 
Putin visits Berlin
In a speech to the Bundestag in Berlin at the end of September, Russian president Vladimir Putin announced his support for U.S. military operations against Afghanistan and denounced the September 11 attacks. Putin blamed the failure to prevent the events on the dependence of various governments on the "old security structures" of the Cold War, such as NATO. He called for a "comprehensive, purposeful, and well coordinated struggle against terrorism," but insisted that it could take place only if it were conducted under an international security system restructured to give Russia more influence. While Europe's relations with the United States had "great value," according to Putin, he told the members of parliament that Europe would be better off as a "powerful and truly independent center of international politics if it combines its possibilities with Russia's."

According to the International Herald Tribune, Schröder could barely contain his enthusiasm over Putin's speech, "telling reporters that the West needs to 'reevaluate' Chechnya and hinting that Russian membership in NATO should be considered." Putin's vision of Europe as an "independent center of international politics" fits with the drive by the German ruling class--through the European Union, launching of a common currency, and steps to form a rapid reaction military force, and other moves--to cobble together a counterweight to the world domination of U.S. imperialism.

But Putin is maneuvering between the dominant imperialist powers, seeking to play off the rivalry between Berlin and Washington to Moscow's advantage. In August, U.S. president George Bush met the Russian president in Genoa, Italy, during the meeting of leaders of the industrial nations from the Group of Eight, for discussions over arms reductions that would substantially reduce Moscow's military expenses in exchange for Moscow not opposing Washington's antiballistic missile shield plans.

In these talks Bush said he wanted to expand NATO from the "Baltic to the Black Sea," including Ukraine. He added that NATO and the European Union "can and should build partnerships with Russia and all countries that have emerged from the wreckage of the former Soviet Union."

Such a course would widen the gap in military capability between Washington and its imperialist rivals in Europe, and strengthen NATO, which Washington dominates. It would also involve massive financial transfers, especially by Paris and Berlin, to Eastern Europe and the republics of the former Soviet Union. This would expose the German capitalists and government, already holding the biggest share of outstanding loans to Russia, even more to the political and economic instability in the region.

Carl-Erik Isacsson is a member of the Metalworkers union in Södertälje, Sweden.  
 
 
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