John Kelly, one of the march organizers, explained in a telephone interview, "We're finding it difficult getting to the full truth of these events." Kelly's 17-year-old brother Michael was one of those killed in the 1972 massacre.

In the face of the fight for justice mounted by the relatives of those killed, the British government agreed in 1998 to set up a new inquiry into the events. The growing international impact of the relatives' fight had largely discredited London's 1972 inquiry, which had exonerated the British Army.

But the new investigation and hearings being held in Derry have "been frustrated at every stage by the Ministry of Defence and Home Office," explained Kelly. "We were promised an independent inquiry, but this is not what is happening." Kelly said the latest decision undermining the investigation was a court ruling that British soldiers would not have to testify in Derry. Instead, they will most likely be interviewed by video link from England. "They have destroyed their weapons, lost over 1,000 photographs, used informers, and claimed anonymity for the soldiers," said Kelly, listing London's continued efforts to cover up the truth.

Kelly said the week of events leading up to the 30th anniversary march will help to have "an open discussion on the inquiry." For example, many of the 457 civilians who have testified so far are expected to attend a discussion February 2.

These efforts are receiving a boost from the release of two films on Bloody Sunday. They are to be aired on major TV channels in the United Kingdom prior to February 3. "These are powerful films," Kelly said. "The people of England should see them and see the truth about the murder of our people."

Six hundred people attended a preview of one of the films, titled "Bloody Sunday," featuring James Nesbitt. Due to the response, two additional showings were added, attracting 1,000 people each.

The film has provoked protests from those who want to maintain British rule. "Just how much does the British taxpayer have to pay so that a tragedy from three decades ago can be rehashed as a sop to Irish republican feeling?" protested London's Daily Mail in a January 7 editorial.  
 
Rise in rightist attacks
London's continued cover-up of its responsibility for the Bloody Sunday massacre is part of resistance to letting go of its rule over northern Ireland. The weakening of British imperialism's hold over northern Ireland and attempts to maintain its grip on the six counties it occupies, are both fueling a rightist violence aimed at the nationalist struggle.

An Phoblacht, a paper that supports Sinn Fein, the party that is leading the fight to end British rule, reports that in 2001 there was a nearly 200 percent increase over 2000 in shootings and bomb attacks on Catholics.

One of the latest killings was of 20-year-old Catholic postal worker Daniel McColgan, who was shot dead as he arrived at work. A rightist organization called the Red Hand Defenders, the name used by the paramilitary wing of the pro-British Ulster Defence Association (UDA), claimed responsibility. The rightist outfit issued further threats to kill Catholic postal workers and teachers.

Some 2,000 people, including hundreds of postal workers, turned out for McColgan's funeral. In response to the killing, postal workers across northern Ireland organized by the Communication Workers Union staged a 24-hour walkout January 15. In Britain, 300,000 postal workers held a two-minute period of silence at the time of McColgan's funeral. Leaders of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions have called a half-day protest strike for January 18.

The murder of McColgan came after three days of anti-Catholic riots in North Belfast, depicted in media reports as a clash between Catholics and Protestants to help justify the continued presence of British armed forces as supposed "neutral" arbitrators of the conflict.

According to the Irish Times, the initial violence began outside the Holy Cross school after "Catholic parents were jostled and spat upon as they walked up the Ardoyne Road to collect their children." A 12-week anti-Catholic picket of the school was ended in December as Catholics refused to be intimidated, won public opinion to their side, and isolated the rightist forces.

"I blame the UDA," for the recent attacks, explained Gerry Kelly, a leader of Sinn Fein,. "Their sectarian agenda is once again coming to the fore."

These rightist developments have been mirrored in the UK parliament. The Conservative party's spokesperson on Northern Ireland said December 17 that his party is ending its bipartisan support for British policy on Ireland. Quentin Davies made this announcement after London decided to give office and other facilities to Sinn Fein at Westminster. Sinn Fein's four MPs (Members of Parliament) had been denied this as a result of their refusal to swear allegiance to the Queen of England, a pledge every MP must take in order to be seated in parliament.

"Hardly a day a week goes by these days without the announcement of some concession to Sinn Fein-IRA," Davies claimed, repeating a ruling-class slander that Sinn Fein and the Irish Republican Army are two wings of the same organization. Davies nevertheless indicated he had no alternative to the concessions made to Irish nationalists known as the Good Friday agreement.  
 
 
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