A so-called "management union" of bosses and salaried personnel organized a four-hour work stoppage March 8 followed by a series of street demonstrations and work slowdowns. They threatened to escalate the actions to an indefinite strike to force Chávez to rescind his appointments of a new president and five members of the company's executive board who are seen as political allies of the president.

Despite promises by officials of the oil workers union that most production workers will support the "management union" if they go out on strike, few of Fedepetrol's 40,000 members have joined the actions.

Chávez's PDVSA appointments followed his removal in February of Brigadier General Guaicaipuro Lameda as the head of the oil company after Lameda criticized Chávez's oil policy. Lameda then echoed the calls of four other high-ranking military officers for Chávez to resign. The general accused Chávez of turning the highly profitable oil company into an appendage of the oil ministry subject to his control.  
 
Underlying conflict
As with other actions organized by sections of the capitalist class and middle-class layers in the country, the stated grievances of the bosses have little to do with the underlying conflict. The oil industry tops claim Chávez is destroying a "merit-based" system of promotion within the company, turning the operation into a "political fiefdom," and appointing "incompetent" people in key positions.

The Wall Street Journal noted several weightier considerations that impact on U.S. imperialist interests and the wealthy rulers of Venezuela. "Trouble between elite PDVSA administrators and the president," the Journal wrote, "has been building for four months since Mr. Chávez pushed through a controversial hydrocarbons law that increases most production royalties on both PDVSA and international oil companies to 30 percent from 16 percent. The law also requires PDVSA to own a majority stake in all joint ventures with foreign companies."

A law allowing peasants to gain control of unproductive or unused land is another step by the Chávez government that has infuriated the wealthy landlords and capitalist class.

Government officials have warned that a strike in Venezuela's oil industry would have serious consequences for the country's economy. A three- to five-day strike would halt deliveries of gasoline to service stations and of natural gas to power plants, factories, and municipal grids, reported the Journal. Venezuela supplies about one million barrels a day to the U.S. market.

"This revolt is very dangerous," said Alan Vietgutz, former president of the Venezuelan Oil Chamber of Commerce. "It benefits no one for this to get out of control."

Chávez says that he is prepared to use the military to keep PDVSA running if the administrators walk out.

The threat of a strike by the administrators takes place at a time when Venezuela's economy is hard-hit by the decline in world oil prices and by the impact of the capitalist economic crisis. Chávez's government has implemented a series of budget cuts and a sharp devaluation of the country's currency, both of which are cutting into the standard of living of working people. The capitalist rulers have sought to take advantage of this situation to undermine popular support for the president.  
 
Protests wane, referendum sought
The highly publicized street protests of the capitalist opposition and their supporters have not gained enough momentum at this time to topple the government. In addition, Chávez supporters have countermobilized, refusing to let the reactionary forces continue their drive unanswered.

Some 30 antigovernment organizations released a document at the end of March announcing a shift from street actions to a campaign to collect 2 million signatures to call for a referendum on whether or not Chávez should step down.

"The hour of the clinch, of hand-to-hand combat has passed," the document supporting the referendum stated. "We would be making an unforgivable mistake if we were to participate in a spiral of encounters with the paid mobs," it added, referring to the pro-government protests. The Mexican daily La Jornada noted the fact that despite the significant mobilizations by the opposition, the actions have been overshadowed by the numbers and combativity of Chávez's supporters.

The March 26 New York Times ran a feature article titled, "Venezuela's President vs. Military: Is Breach Widening?" It quoted a retired vice admiral "with close contacts in the military" who said that other officers are planning to take a "more aggressive" role in the drive to oust Chávez. The former director of the Institute for National Defense Studies was quoted as saying that many officers he has been in contact with "are of the belief that if society does not organize to take steps, then they are going to have to take control."

Among the reasons why wealthy layers and sections of the military brass want to be rid of the Chávez regime are its "alliances with Mr. Castro" given "Venezuela's long-standing close ties with Washington," reported the Times.

Meanwhile, some 20,000 doctors at public facilities went out on strike March 18 to demand wage increases and protest the hiring of Cuban doctors by the Venezuelan government. Some 200 Cuban doctors are serving in Venezuela under a 1999 agreement in which Venezuela supplies oil to Cuba in exchange for assistance in a range of social projects.  
 
 
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