Vol. 74/No. 14 April 12, 2010
One of the first acts of the Cuban Revolution in early 1959 was to ban racial discrimination in employment and public facilities, putting an end to Jim Crow practices that had been imposed in Cuba with the U.S. occupation of the island in 1898. Other measures stamping the revolutions working-class trajectory included a radical land reform that ended the system of vast landed estates and gave deeds to over 100,000 landless peasants, as well as a literacy drive that taught close to a million people to read and write, wiping out illiteracy in a single year. In the second half of 1960 the major imperialist and Cuban owned capitalist enterprises were expropriated by massive mobilizations of working people across the island, registering the end of the dictatorship of capital and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in Cuba, the opening of the socialist revolution in the Americas.
Jack Barnes was in Cuba during those days of revolutionary upheaval. He was there on a college grant to study the ongoing land reform. While doing so he participated in a number of other activities, including the First Latin American Youth Congress in Havana in July 1960. Like thousands of youth around the world, over the previous months he had been drawn to the new Cuban governments revolutionary course. And during the summer months in Cuba, he became determined to bring back firsthand knowledge about the revolution to share with others in the United States.
When Barnes returned to school in Minnesota that fall, he helped form a campus chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, which among other activities organized the meeting for Robert F. Williams referred to in the tribute above.
The excerpt below, describing this period, is from Cuba and the Coming American Revolution by Jack Barnes, published in 2001.
The core of the activists defending the Cuban Revolution were young people who had cut their political eyeteeth as part of the civil rights battles, supporting the Woolworth lunch counter sit-ins and joining or supporting marches and other protests in Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi, and elsewhere in the South.
The many faces of reaction, some in Ku Klux Klan hoods, others with sheriffs uniforms and FBI jackets protecting them; the lynchings and murders on isolated country roads; the dogs and water cannons unleashed on protestersall were burned in our consciousness as part of the lessons we were learning about the violence and brutality of the U.S. ruling class and the lengths to which it will go to defend its property and prerogatives.
And we were learning lessons, too, from the self-defense organized by Black veterans in Monroe, North Carolina, and elsewhere in the South. Immediately following the U.S. defeat at the Bay of Pigs, during a debate in one of the six committees of the United Nations General Assembly, Cuban foreign minister Raúl Roa read a message that former Monroe NAACP president Robert F. Williams had asked him to convey to the U.S. government.
Now that the United States has proclaimed military support for people willing to rebel against oppression, Williams wrote, oppressed Negroes in the South urgently request tanks, artillery, bombs, money, use of American air fields and white mercenaries to crush racist tyrants who have betrayed the American Revolution and Civil War.
We rapidly came to see that the legal and extralegal violence directed against those fighting for their rights and dignity as human beings here in the United States was one and the same as the mounting overt and covert aggression against the people of Cuba. We took part in the struggle for Black rights as part of the world class struggle. It became totally intertwined for us with the stakes in defending the Cuban Revolution.
This was exemplified above all by the convergence of the Cuban Revolution and Malcolm X, whose voice of uncompromising revolutionary struggleby any means necessarywas then increasingly making itself heard. Malcolm welcomed Fidel Castro to the Hotel Theresa in Harlem during the Cuban delegations trip to the United Nations in 1960. Malcolm invited Che Guevara to address a meeting of the Organization of Afro-American Unity during Ches trip to New York in 1964.
For us, these and other expressions of the growing mutual respect and solidarity that marked relations between Malcolm X and the Cuban leadership were further confirmation of our own developing world view.
Related articles:
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Oppose slanders against Cuba
Victory of Cuban Revolution dealt major blow to racist discrimination
Two Cuban students speak to 350 at meetings in Georgia
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