Vol. 81/No. 47 December 18, 2017
Haydée [Santamaría] came to visit us and inquired about Faustino and me. She and Melba [Hernández], desiring to establish relations with revolutionary groups of every type, were working to win support for an amnesty. They were busy distributing Fidel’s main documents, particularly History Will Absolve Me, which had begun to circulate in October. …
As soon as I got out of prison, I contacted Melba and Haydée. They talked to me about what Moncada represented and told me of the work carried out by Abel Santamaría and the group of compañeros who together with Fidel had prepared the action. They also explained Fidel’s ideas and program to me, as well as this revolutionary leader’s fundamental opposition to the traditional parties. …
At that time, all the political and social organizations of the opposition began to mobilize broadly in support of an amnesty for Fidel and the Moncadistas; it in fact became a demand of the nation. The regime was forced to decree the amnesty in May 1955.
The people were waiting for the brave freedom fighters to be released from their cells. Everyone knew of the spirit that had inspired the Moncada and Bayamo combatants and had governed their actions. These fighters had confronted the tyranny, and for that they had been sent to prison or had fallen courageously. …
The government tried to use the amnesty to present itself as the “dove of peace,” but its actions revealed this claim to be a total farce. The amnesty did not represent so much as a single step to restore tranquility to the country. Hunger was growing, unemployment still stalked the land, dissatisfaction was increasing, and we could not put up with any more deceit. Batista compelled us to go to war. The government was the first and most obvious obstacle to genuine harmony. …
For the most dynamic social layers of the population, Fidel had become the center of attraction and the most important political figure. He was already the natural leader of the new generations of young revolutionaries, as well as of broad sectors of the population. This was because young people politically supported the insurrectional line and valued the Moncadistas’ heroic conduct and determination to do battle. Moreover, the Moncada group was not tied in with the traditional parties, but represented their very negation. In the leader of the July 26 action we found what we had been looking for since March 10 [1952, when Batista carried out a coup and seized power with Washington’s backing] and even before: a political and revolutionary leader, with deep popular and democratic roots, with no ties to the existing system, and, at the same time, capable of organizing the masses to action.
I joined the July 26 Movement as the result of a natural process. The Moncada program concretized for me the ethical sentiments that were deeply rooted in the Cuban patriotic tradition.
A powerful wave of rebellious people gathered around Fidel. As the struggle developed, this unstoppable whirlwind was transformed, over the course of months and years, into a true revolutionary hurricane. …
From [that] moment … we were already a part of the movement led by Fidel. Faustino and I assured Fidel that we were immediately joining him and his compañeros.
Related articles:
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